
| Msg # 175 of 620 on ZZUK4446, Thursday 10-29-25, 2:25 |
| From: BUCK |
| To: NY.TRANSFER.NEWS@BLYTHE.O |
| Subj: Re: Vietnam War: UK's Secret Support of |
[continued from previous message] > and waterways to 'hamper the Communist courier system', along with > 'limited > food control' in some areas. 'If the system works successfully', the > Ambassador noted, 'this provides the main opportunity for killing > terrorists'. Thompson's Delta Plan was also the basis for the US > 'strategic > hamlets' programme, soon to be devised by the US State Department. > > Britain's covert role > > The British government has never admitted that British forces fought in > Vietnam, yet the files confirm that they did, even though several remain > censored. In August 1962, the Military Attache in Saigon, Colonel Lee, > wrote > to the War Office in London attaching a report by someone whose name is > censored but who is described as an advisor to the Malayan government, > then > still a British colony. This advisor proposed that an SAS team be sent to > Vietnam. Lee said that was unacceptable owing to Britain's position as > Co-Chair of the Geneva Agreement but then wrote: > > 'However, this recommendation might be possible to implement if the > personnel are detached and given temporary civilian status, or are > attached > to the American Special Forces in such a manner that their British > military > identity is lost in the US Unit. However the Americans are crying out for > expert assistance in this field and are extremely enthusiastic that [one > inch of text censored] should join them. He really is an expert, full of > enthusiasm, drive and initiative in dealing with these primitive peoples > and > I hope that he will be given full support and assistance in this task'. > > 'These primitive peoples' is a reference to the Montagnards in the > highlands > of the central provinces of Vietnam. Lee continues: > > 'It is clear that there is enormous scope for assistance of a practical > nature on the lines of that already being undertaken by the Americans. > Thus > it is strongly recommended that such British contribution [sic] as may be > feasible be grafted onto the American effort in the field, particularly in > view of their shortage of certain types of personnel. The ideal solution > might be to contribute a number of teams to operate in a particular area > fully integrated into the overall American and Vietnamese plan. The civil > side could be composed of carefully selected Europeans and Malayans with > suitable experience, and the military element could be drawn from the SAS > regiment which operated for many years amongst the Aborigines in Malaya. > Suitable steps could doubtless be taken to give them temporary civilian > status. Although we should have to rely on the Americans to a great degree > for logistic support, it might still be possible to provide a positive > contribution in this field such as specialised equipment. A less > satisfactory solution might be to integrate certain specialists into > existing or projected American Special Forces Teams, although the main > disadvantage here, particularly on the Aborigine side would lie in the > fact > that many of the experienced Malayan personnel would not speak English and > would have to rely on the British element as interpreters when dealing > with > the Americans.' > > This team was sent, and was known as the 'Noone mission' under Richard > Noone > (the figure whose name is censored in these files) and which acted under > cover of BRIAM. The covert operation began in summer 1962 and was still in > operation until at least late 1963. > > Other covert aid provided by Britain included secret British air flights > from Hong Kong to deliver arms, especially napalm and five-hundred-pound > bombs. Intelligence support included forwarding reports to the Americans > from MI6 station heads in Hanoi while the British monitoring station in > Hong > Kong provided the US with intelligence until 1975, in an operation linked > to > the US National Security Agency, whose intercepts of North Vietnamese > military traffic were used by the US military command to target bombing > strikes over North Vietnam. > > Military escalation, British backing > > A May 1965 Foreign Office brief states that Britain's 'direct involvement > in > Vietnam is insignificant' but 'that our interests as a non-communist power > would be impaired if the United States government were defeated in the > field, or defaulted on its commitments'. US prestige was therefore in > danger > and defeat 'would damage America's standing all over the world'. > Similarly, > 'American abandonment of South Vietnam would cause both friend and foe > throughout the world to wonder whether the US might, in future be induced > to > abandon other allies when the going got tough'. > > The period 1963-6 was marked above all by massive escalation in US > aggression. The British files show the degree of secret support Prime > Minister Harold Wilson gave President Johnson, at every stage of > escalation, > often kept private given major British public opposition to the war - a > good > example, as currently with Iraq, of how the public threat is dealt with by > private understandings among elites on both sides of the Atlantic. > > In February 1965, the US took the war into a devastating new phase by > beginning the bombing of North Vietnam in its 'Rolling Thunder' campaign. > Britain had already promised to give 'unequivocable [sic] support to any > action which the US government might take which was measured and related > strictly to North Vietnamese and Viet Cong activity'. Two days after the > attacks began, Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart told the Washington > embassy > of the 'military necessity of the action' and informed Wilson that 'I was > particularly anxious not to say anything in public that might appear > critical of the US government'. > > A Foreign Office brief in March 1965 stated that 'although from time to > time we have expressed cautionary views in response to notifications of US > plans for attacks against the North, we have at no stage opposed them. Our > comments have been mostly on the timing or public presentation of the > attacksHMG have at no stage opposed the policy being followed by the US > but > rather by suggesting minor changes in timing or presentation from time to > time, have acquiesced in it'. > > When the US first used its own aircraft in South Vietnam in March 1965, > this was also welcomed by the British ambassador, who said that it had > 'beneficial effects' both on the Vietnamese government and the 'morale of > the American pilots'. On 8 March the US landed 3,500 marines in South > Vietnam which the Foreign Office said in private was 'in contravention of > Article 16 and 17 of the 1954 [Geneva] agreement, but we have not yet > received any protests on the subject' - therefore, best keep quiet. Then, > in > June 1965, the US announced that US ground forces would now be going into > combat on a routine basis. One Foreign Office official noted that 'I feel > sure we should try to help the US administration, who have now been landed > in some difficulty in handling the president's announcement, by implying > that the commitment of ground troops is mostly a matter of degree'. > > The British provision of arms to the US for use in Vietnam was done in the > knowledge that it breached the Geneva Agreements. In September 1965 the > Foreign Office agreed to export 300 bombs intended for the US Air Force > 'for [continued in next message] --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05 * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2) |
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