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| From: VJP2.AT@AT.BIOSTRATEGIST. |
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| Subj: Re: Small Plane Hits Manhattan Luxury Hi |
XPost: nyc.politics, nyc.general, nyc.announce In <1160772594.148490.50000@b28g2000cwb.googlegroups.com> by dogglebe@yahoo.com on 13 Oct 2006 13:49:54 -0700 we perused: *+-The plane crash, much like the bicycle incident, are both just *+-tragedies of the day. In a few days, another one will pop up and *+-people will scream for something to be done about it. Well, that's why the framers deliberately put so many dampers in the process.. If you could pass a law instantaneously, the clutter would be unsufferable.. unfortunately, all this talk of egovernment misses this point.. Bickel, Morality_of_Consent,Yale,1975 p24 valueless institutions are shameful and shameless and, what is more, man's nature is such that he finds them, and life with and under them, insupportable p27 The state regulates and licenses restaurants and pool halls.. why may it not similarly regulate and license abortion clinics p38 Taney [in Dred Scott], by an ipse_dixit, argued that when the Constitution says "people" it means the same thing as citizens. Yet the Constitution says citizens rarely, and people most of the time, and never the two interchangeably. p53 A relationship between government and the governed that turns on citizenship can always be dissolved or denied. p65 Political speech, said the Court, is often "vituperative, abusive, inexact" [394 US at 708] p77 We had better recognize how much is human activity a random confusion, and there is no final validity to be claimed for our truths. p86 So we are content, in the contest between press and government, with the pulling and hauling, because in it lies the optimal assurance of both privacy and freedom of information. Not full assurance of either, but maximum assurance of both. Madison knew the secret of this disorderly system, indeed he invented it. p88 We thus contrive to avoid most judgements that we do not know how to make. p92 we can find a connection between some at least of Mr. Nixon's men and part at least of the radical Left. Ideological imperatives and personal loyalty prevailed over the norms and commands of the legal order. They kept faith with their friends, and had the guts to betray their country p121 need to structure institutions so that they might rest on different electoral foundations and in the aggregate be better able to generate consent p122 [Watergate] leaf from the Warren Court's book, but the presidency could undertake to act anti-institutionally in this fashion with more justification because, unlike the Court, it could claim not only a constituency but the largest one p141 When bushels of desires and objectives are conceived as moral imperatives, it is natural to seek their achievement by any means p142 But if we do resist the seductive temptations of moral imperatives and fix our eye on that middle distance where values are provisionally held, are tested and evolve within the legal order - derived from the morality of process, which is the morality of consent - our moral authority will carry more weight. The computing principle Burke urged upon us can lead us then to an imperfect justice, for there is no other kind --- Chas Beard PSQ 27#1 3/12 Supreme Court - Usurper or Grantee? p2 The arguments advanced to show that the framers of the Constituion did not intend to grant to the federal judiciary any control over federal legislation may be summarized as follows. Not only is the power in question not expressly granted, but it could not have seemed to the framers to have been granted by implication. THe power to refuse application to an unconstitutional law was not generally regarded a sproper to the judiciary. In a few cases only has state courts attempted to execrice such a power, and these few attempts had been sharply rebuked by the people. Of the memebers of the COnvention of 1787 not more than five or six are known to have regarded this power as a part of the general judiciary power; and Spaight and three or four others are known to have held the contrary opinion. It cannot be assumed that the othe rforty-odd members of the Convention were divided on the question in the same proportion. If any conclusion is to be drawn from their silence it is rather that they did not believe that any such unprecedented judicial power could be read into the Constitution. This conclusion is fortified by the fact that a proposition to confer upon the federal judges revisory power over federal legislation was four times made in the Convention and defeated p23 After lengthy debates on the draft submitted by the Committee of Detail, a committee of five was created to revise and arrange the style of the articles agreed to by the Convention; and Johnson, Hamilton, Morris, Madison and King were selected as members of this committee. Of these five men four, Hamilton, Morris, Madison and King are on record as expressly favoring juducual control over legislation. There is some little dispute as to the share of glory to be assigned to single members of the committee, but undoubtedly Gouvernour Morris played a considerable part in giving to the Constitution its final form p28 The men who framed the federal Constitution were not among the paper-money advocates and stay-law makers whose operations in state legislatures and attacks aupon the courts were chiefly responsible, Madison informs us, for the calling of the Convention. The framers of the Constitution were not among those who favored the assaults on vested rights which legislative majorities were making throughout the Union. On the contrary, they were, almost without exception, bitter opponents of such enterprises; and they regarded it as their chief duty, in drafting the new Constitution, to find a way of preventing the renewal of whatthey deemed "legislative tyranny" p30 No historical fact is more clarly established than the fact that the framers of the Constitution distrusted democracy and feared the rule of mere numbers. Almost every page of Madison's record bears witness to the fact that the Convention was anxiously seeking to solve the problem of estabalishing property rights on so firm a basis that they would be forever secure against the assaults of legislative majorities. If any reader needs a documented demonstration of this fact, he will do well to turn to the Records of the Convention, so admirably compiled by PRofessor Farrand. Let him go through the proceedings of the Convention and see how many of the members expressed concern at the dangersof democracy and were casting about for som ememthd of restraining hte popular ranch of the govenment. THe very system of checks and balances, which is built upon the doctrine that the popular branch of government cannot be allowed full sway, and least of all in the enactment of [continued in next message] --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05 * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2) |
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